Part 1 of the articles on treasons

Malaysia Today - The Corridors or Power » Stuff Hollywood movie scripts are made of (part 1)04/03:
Stuff Hollywood movie scripts are made of (part 1)
Category: General Posted by: Raja Petra
THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin



On Monday, 26 February 2007, the Parliament Select Committee heard the
testimonies of various people who had once been detained under Malaysia's
draconian and dreaded Internal Security Act (ISA). These people, who used to
walk in the corridors of power, were detained under the ISA because they once
worked for the government and their government job was to 'import' an estimated
one million Muslims from the countries neighbouring Sabah and issue them with
Malaysian identity cards so as to flood the state with Muslim voters. The
specific purpose of this clandestine operation was to dilute the Christian
voters in Sabah so that Umno could topple the Christian-dominated PBS government
of Pairin Kitingan.

The testimonies of these ex-ISA detainees was of course not made public but
Malaysia Today found out that their testimonies revealed a partnership that was
established between Umno and the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) of the Philippines. But
the partnership went terribly wrong when the Umno nominees who were entrusted
with the job of paying off Umno's Abu Sayyaf partners never delivered the money.
To 'encourage' the very recalcitrant Umno to pay its extremely long outstanding
debt, the Abu Sayyaf Group raided Sipadan and Pandanan islands off the coast of
Sabah in 2000 and kidnapped 24 Malaysians and foreigners whom they held for
ransom as 'security' for the debt.

Subsequently, Umno had no choice but to pay the money it owed the Abu Sayyaf
Group to secure the release of the hostages. But that is not all. The Malaysian
government denied it had paid the Abu Sayyaf Group any money to secure the
release of the hostages. This was true of course because the money came from
Libya, not from Malaysia. However, while Libya paid USD100 million, only USD23
million reached the Abu Sayyaf Group. What happened to the balance of USD77
million? Only one man, Aziz Shamsuddin, can reveal what happened to that money.

In fact, earlier, Libya had given Umno USD38 million to pay the Abu Sayyaf Group
their fees to bring in the one million new voters into Sabah -- who were
subsequently all issued with Malaysian identity cards and which eventually
resulted in the defeat of PBS in March 1994 and the emergence of Umno
thereafter. But this money too disappeared and Abu Sayyaf never received what
they had been promised. So that makes roughly USD115 million in total that has
disappeared.

Malaysia Today will trace the events and probe into what happened in 2000 and
the role Umno played in securing the services of the Abu Sayyaf Group to kick
out the PBS Christian government from Sabah and eventually bring the state under
direct Umno control from Kuala Lumpur. And, with that, the federalisation of
Sabah was complete and never again would the state be able to exercise its
limited autonomy promised to the state when they opted to join the Federation of
Malaysia together with Sarawak and Singapore.

Sipadan hostage crisis: TIMELINE

• April 23, 2000 - ASG gunmen raid the Malaysian diving resort of Sipadan, off
Borneo, and flee across the sea border to their Jolo island stronghold with 10
Western tourists and 11 resort workers.
• May 27, 2000 - The kidnappers issue political demands including a separate
Muslim state, an inquiry into alleged human rights abuses in Sabah and the
restoration of fishing rights. They later demand a multimillion-dollar ransom to
be paid in cash.
• Sept. 10, 2000 - ASG raids Pandanan Island near Sipadan and seizes three
Malaysians.
• Oct 25, 2000 - Troops rescue the three Malaysians seized in Pandanan.
• June 10, 2001 - Libyan President Muammar Khadafi offers to help negotiate with
the Abu Sayyaf.



The Jolo Diary: A behind-the-scenes look at the hostage crisis raises disturbing
questions
Asiaweek, 29 September 2000

Time passes. S-l-o-w-l-y. The days grate and grind against each other. The 21
Sipadan hostages on Jolo are getting along as best they can. The many-headed
hydra that is Abu Sayyaf bickers fitfully. The European governments, not
trusting the Philippines to extract their nationals alive, have already turned
to Libya. They have begged its envoys to negotiate a way out. Libya, agreeing to
use its former ambassador to the Philippines, Abdul Rajab Azzarouq, has grabbed
the chance to collect international kudos. Manila resents the Europeans'
high-handedness -- applying a double standard in dealing with terrorists when it
suits them. President Joseph Estrada appoints his closest adviser, Robert
Aventajado, to look after Philippine interests. Aventajado is presidential
material writ large. He wants control of the crisis. Libya still thinks it can
deliver. Friction. Tension.

A complicating factor is hawks and doves in the Philippine cabinet who differ on
approach. The upshot: a tangled tale of competing forces and agendas, bags of
pesos that supposedly don't exist, phone taps, changing demands, delays,
confusion. Now, Philippine senators want answers. Why did it take 139 days to
free all but one of the Sipadan hostages? Who paid the ransom money, and where
did it go? In the past four months Contributing Reporter Kristina Luz has
pursued her own investigation into the protracted and troublesome negotiations
for the hostages, in the process tapping mediators and brokers on both
Philippine and foreign sides to piece together an account of what happened.
While answers still remain elusive, what follows is a behind-the-scenes chapter
in a story that may never be fully told. Luz's report follows:

One moment they were having a leisurely Easter Sunday dinner, the next there
were 25 men with bazookas and high-powered rifles. "There was all this
screaming," recalls South African tourist Monique Strydom. She and her South
African husband, nine Malaysians, two Filipinos, three Germans, two Finns, two
French and a French-Lebanese were herded into speedboats off the Malaysian
island of Sipadan and taken to Jolo island in the Philippines. Their lives were
now in the hands of two Muslim rebels-cum-bandits: Ghalib Andang, alias
Commander Robot, and ally Mujib Susukan.

The Philippine government, already waging war against an Abu Sayyaf faction on
nearby Basilan, sent a military force to Jolo. The hostages started ducking
bullets. Appalled, the German government sent its secret service to seek input
from Libya — a longtime peacemaker in the restive southern Philippines. French
and Finnish authorities backed the initiative. Azzarouq was dispatched to Manila
on behalf of the Gaddafi International Charitable Institution in Tripoli.
"Azzarouq did not hide his agenda," says a German official in Manila. "Libya was
willing to help and they were confident it would show the world that they
deserve to be recognized as a law-abiding nation." Adds a European diplomat:
"The level of confidence in the Philippine government to get the nationals out
safely was simply not there. The thought of Libya working on our behalf seemed a
better choice."

Azzarouq knew the ground and the people. He reckoned the crisis could be
resolved within a month. He met Robert Aventajado, who oversees economic
development in the south in his role as head of the president's flagship
projects. Aventajado also knew his way around. Together they saw Estrada. The
president wasn't interested in details. He wanted the negative publicity
contained and the crisis resolved. He agreed that Azzarouq should lead
negotiations and instructed Aventajado to be the government's chief envoy.
Azzarouq went ahead through Radulan Sujiron, an Abu Sayyaf leader on Jolo,
visiting Robot and Mujib at their hideout. "There was no talk of ransom money,"
says Azzarouq. "I told them that the Gaddafi foundation was willing to provide
livelihood projects and that the hostages must be released immediately. We asked
to see them."

The hostages were well but depressed. Azzarouq briefed Aventajado, who called
his own contacts on Jolo. "I needed to check on what [the Libyans] were saying
and doing," says Aventajado. "The integrity of the Philippines was at stake."

Malaysia, meanwhile, sent its ambassador to the Philippines, Arshad Hussein, to
the rebel hideout. "We realized that we could negotiate for our nationals
through our own channels," says Arshad. "I was willing to brief the Western
governments of the situation, but never had the chance." Lee Peng Wee, a
Chinese-Filipino businessman based in Zamboanga, was to be used as Malaysia's
conduit.

Through his contacts, Aventajado tried to meet directly with Robot and other Abu
Sayyaf leaders, but was told that Azzarouq had to be present. Realizing his
people had let him down, Aventajado called Robot by satellite phone and drew
from him contacts with whom Robot would be comfortable liaising. Robot named two
family members -- a retired army colonel, Ernest PacuNo, and Salim Jumaani.
Codenamed Dragon and Dragonito (Little Dragon), they became Aventajado's
personal emissaries. This worried the Europeans, who were never introduced to
the new conduits. Says a diplomat: "We couldn't understand why [Aventajado] was
trying to construct his own strategy instead of sitting down with the Libyans
and creating a cohesive strategy to move forward." Part of the answer may have
to do with the Philippine government understandably not wanting the negotiations
hijacked by foreigners. "Control everything," Aventajado said later when asked
what lessons he had learned.

Azzarouq reported that Robot wanted $2 million for the hostages as a group. "I
told him they were not worth that much," says Azzarouq. He started bargaining
the price down, not for a ransom, but for a development-aid offer. But the
Malaysians, intent on their own deal, complicated matters. Robot upped the ante,
seeking aid equivalent to $500,000 a head for the Westerners. Azzarouq informed
the Europeans and South Africans. Libya agreed to consider the price. Fifty days
had passed.

The Philippine government announced a three-week cooling-off period, giving
Robot space to move the hostages deeper into the jungle and away from other Abu
Sayyaf members. But that was interrupted when local press, citing senior
government officials, reported that Robot now wanted $1 million per hostage. It
was news to Azzarouq, he says. European sources claim Aventajado asked them to
provide $490,000 for each hostage, with the $510,000 balance to be made up by
Libya. "Robot and Azzarouq were negotiating a price for all the hostages and
Aventajado raised the price," alleges one foreign envoy. He claims the
Westerners started monitoring phone negotiations between Robot and Aventajado.
"We could hear every single conversation." In an interview on page 30,
Aventajado, when asked to comment about the alleged price hike, says he and his
government "never entertained such demands."

On day 61, Malaysian emissary Lee succeeded in exchanging P15 million (about
$330,000) for one Malaysian hostage, catching both Aventajado and Azzarouq by
surprise. Over the next two months Lee, with the financial assistance of
Sabah-based businessmen, managed to secure the release of all nine Malaysians.
Total cost: about $3 million. The Malaysian government denied providing any cash
directly. No money was made available for a Filipino slated to be released with
the final batch of Malaysians. He remains the only Sipadan hostage.

Aventajado now instructed that all demands and payments were to go through him,
diplomats say. Azzarouq advised the Westerners to acquiesce. "I think if it was
not given, our nationals would have remained on Jolo for another six months,"
observes one ambassador. Says a German envoy: "Without the help of the
government we had no chance -- and Aventajado was the government. This is what
Azzarouq told us." Explaining the move, Aventajado says: "Azzarouq kept telling
the ambassadors he had a deal with Robot when he did not. Robot told me this
personally."

The 85th day dawned with the release of the first Westerner, ailing German
Renate Wallert. The Europeans say neither they nor Libya agreed at the time to
pay a ransom for Wallert. In the Philippine and German press, it was reported
that $1 million was paid. Sources allege Aventajado raised $1 million through
local businessmen and sent Dragon to make the payment. They also allege
Aventajado asked Germany for a refund, but that officials refused. Aventajado
denies all of the above: "That is not true." But he does say: "I decided to move
with my emissaries because none of Azzarouq's contacts was making any progress.
[Wallert's release] was a favor from Robot to show that Dragon was the better
emissary than going through the Libyans, that he could deliver."

Soon the pace quickened. Azzarouq -- still the Europeans' preferred negotiator
-- visited the rebels for the first time in a month to pursue the release of
four Sipadan hostages and a French TV reporter, one of three French journalists
abducted. A plane arrived from Libya to fly out the hostages. Aventajado said
they would be freed within 48 hours. They weren't. Aventajado cited bad weather,
but admitted later the story was a "cover" and that the rebels were asking for a
better deal. Aventajado also announced that Estrada -- believed to be under
pressure from France -- now wanted all the hostages released together. Azzarouq
expressed his doubts, but agreed to try.

The various ambassadors awaiting the releases were increasingly annoyed by the
excuses. "The French journalists had gone in on their own, knowing full well
that the press was told to stay away," says a German envoy. "Why should the
Sipadan hostages suffer because of the insistence of the French to include their
journalists?" The sentiment of the German and South African diplomats was that,
said one, "we had become hostages of the French, Aventajado and the Abu Sayyaf."
Sources close to Aventajado say the Libyans then reluctantly transferred $6
million to a bank in the Philippines. The sources allege the money was changed
into pesos and taken to Jolo by a member of Aventajado's staff. (Aventajado says
he has no knowledge of any money.)

With Dragon now in tow, Azzarouq had a final meeting with Robot. Everyone
present agreed that six hostages would be freed the next day. Sources close to
Aventajado claim that Dragon secretly slipped about $200,000 in pesos to Robot
in exchange for a Filipino hostage from Sipadan. They say the deal was meant to
reinforce the idea that only Aventajado's men could deliver. Aventajado denies
that any money changed hands. Robot released the Filipino woman -- the only
hostage who spoke Robot's dialect. The next day, the other promised releases
fell through.

Aug. 19, day 118. The Libyan plane sent to fly out the hostages had been waiting
for five days. Aventajado, Azzarouq and the diplomats had been shuttling back
and forth between Manila, Zamboanga and Jolo. On Aventajado's instructions,
Dragonito went ahead to meet Robot on Jolo. He returned with a note stating that
Robot would release the hostages only through Aventajado's emissaries. Dragon
gave the note to Aventajado when he and Azzarouq arrived on Jolo two hours
later. Aventajado decided not to show the note to the Libyans "because I did not
want to embarrass them." When Azzarouq went to the hostage camp, he returned
empty-handed. Then Aventajado showed him the note. The Libyans expressed
disbelief. Back in Zamboanga, Aventajado showed the ambassadors the note.
Sources say it was written on the stationery of the Zamboanga hotel in which the
negotiating party was billeted. Aventajado told the doubting diplomats that his
emissaries carried a notepad in case Robot wanted to write something. "In the
beginning the ambassadors did not believe me," says Aventajado. "They believed
that Azzarouq had a deal with the rebels. They were shocked when I showed them
the note. That's when they realized I was the one who controlled the situation."

On day 126 the main characters returned to Jolo. This time Azzarouq agreed to
hang back and let Aventajado's go-betweens make the contact. Dragon drove a jeep
to pick up the hostages. Following him was a closed van with a driver and nine
bags, said by a diplomatic source to contain pesos worth $3 million. Five
hostages were released that day and a sixth the next.

In the days that followed, a military build-up on Jolo became obvious. Abu
Sayyaf members argued over the division of the spoils. In Manila on day 138,
Aventajado and Azzarouq were to leave for the release of the last four Western
hostages when word reached them that Mujib's brother had died in a motorcycle
accident. The pair remained in the capital. In Zamboanga that night, witnesses
at the hotel where Aventajado's emissaries were staying said they saw several
brown bags being moved into vans and driven to the air base.

Sept. 9, day 139. Dragon and Dragonito drove ahead to meet Robot and Mujib --
and, they hoped, the remaining Sipadan hostages. As they reached the rebels,
shots came from the jungle. Mujib returned fire and was slightly injured. Robot
screamed: "No, no. Stop, stop." He ordered the entire party to speed ahead to a
safe spot. Dragon called Aventajado to explain that they had been ambushed by
another rebel faction. He said they had to get the hostages out now or never --
and that the agreed route was probably blocked. Aventajado called the military
and organized a helicopter to be set down north of rebel territory.

Panicking, Robot took Dragon and Dragonito to fetch the hostages. At the last
moment, Robot wanted to retain Marc Wallert, Renate's son. The hostages waited
anxiously, but Mujib pressed Robot to follow the plan. They all fled north in a
jeep. When they reached the helicopter, the hostages and emissaries boarded
while Robot and Mujib vanished into the jungle.

Where do things go from here? On Sept. 11 opposition Senate members tabled a
resolution for an inquiry into the hostage negotiations. Senate Minority Leader
Teofisto Guingona Jr., from Mindanao, said that among other matters the inquiry
would look into whether anyone profited personally from the ransom payments.
"[People] are not entitled to a toll fee," he said. On Sept. 20 The Manila Times
reported anti-graft campaigner Sen. Aquilino Pimentel Jr. -- also from Mindanao
-- as saying: "Reports about the split in ransom payments have been filtering
[in] during Senate discussions about the Sulu crisis." Pimentel said that the
Senate would summon Dragon and Dragonito. But that's another chapter.

WHO'S WHO

Some of the leading players in the drama:

Robert Aventajado: Philippine cabinet member who heads the Presidential
Committee on Flagship Programs and Projects, including economic development in
the Muslim-majority part of Mindanao. Leads Manila's hostage-negotiating team.

Abdul Rajab Azzarouq: Libyan ambassador to the Philippines for nine years until
1999, Azzarouq is a veteran of international peace efforts in Mindanao and has
successfully negotiated the release of Abu Sayyaf hostages in the past. After
the Sipadan kidnapping, Azzarouq went to the Philippines on behalf of the
Gaddafi International Charitable Institution in Tripoli, which sponsors
humanitarian projects worldwide. He is the preferred negotiator of the Western
governments involved.

Ghalib Andang, alias Commander Robot: Responsible for the Sipadan snatch, Robot
has been characterized as a bandit, largely uninterested in Muslim or political
ideology. He is a senior commander in Abu Sayyaf, but not a leader. His nom de
guerre was bestowed because it's said he can dance like Michael Jackson.

Mujib Susukan: Robot's cohort in the Sipadan kidnap and his strongest Abu Sayyaf
ally. Said to be a superior fighter to Robot.

Radulan Sujiron: One of Abu Sayyaf's four Sulu-based chiefs and political leader
of the group. Said to be holding the lone remaining Sipadan hostage, Filipino
Roland Ullah. Also believed to have orchestrated the kidnap of three Malaysians
from Pandanan island.

Ernest Pacuno: Aventajado's go-between, recommended by Robot, who is Pacuno's
nephew by marriage. A retired army colonel codenamed Dragon.

Samil Jumaani: Aventajado's second go-between, also recommended by Robot.
Jumaani's wife is a sister of one of Robot's four wives. Codenamed Dragonito
(Little Dragon).

Lee Peng Wee: Chinese-Filipino seaweed king based in Zamboanga, used by
Malaysians as their emissary. Said to have organized delivery of nearly $3
million to free the nine Malaysians taken from Sipadan island. Funded Estrada's
presidential campaign in parts of Mindanao.

To be continued